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Monday, 3 November 2014

US Struggles to Keep Asia in Dark Age. US-Funded "Newspapers" and "Activists"

US Struggles to Keep Asia in Dark Age. US-Funded "Newspapers" and "Activists"

Global Research, November 03, 2014

 

US-funded newspapers promote US-funded NGOs in their efforts to halt infrastructure projects that would reduce flooding, produce clean, renewable energy, and provide jobs and development for millions.

"The Irrawaddy," which claims to be "a leading source of reliable news, information, and analysis on Burma/Myanmar and the Southeast Asian region," has doggedly covered efforts by so-called "activists" to prevent the construction of dams all across Southeast Asia – from Myanmar (still called by its British imperial nomenclature "Burma" by the Western media), across Thailand, and in Laos.

Its most recent article, "Thai Power Firm's Business Tactics 'Use Burma's Weak Laws'," is a typical representation of these efforts. It reports that:

One of the chief financiers of hydroelectric dams planned on Burma's Salween River is accused of investing in countries where there is "oppression and limited transparency" in order to achieve its objectives.

Having been restricted in its activities at home, the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT) wants to use Burma and Laos as proxy suppliers of electricity via environmentally damaging river dams, the US-based NGO International Rivers told The Irrawaddy.

Dams are undoubtedly disruptive to the surrounding, existing environment and surely governments and special interests regularly sidestep their responsibility to ensure dam construction results in equitable outcomes for surrounding human populations as well as wildlife. However, to oppose their construction entirely is a regressive, politically motivated agenda peddled by some of the most sociopolitically and environmentally destructive special interests on Earth.

To understand this, one must understand what both The Irrawaddy and International Rivers have in common, and specifically why their agenda has become entwined in the battle against real development across all of Southeast Asia.

US-Funded "Newspapers" and "Activists"

Both The Irrawaddy and International Rivers are creations and perpetuations of the US State Department and several Fortune 500 corporate-financier funded foundations. These include foundations that represent the interests of corporations including Exxon, Chevron, British Petroleum (BP), Total, as well as big-finance and the World Bank. Already, it should be easy to understand why Western energy giants and financiers would be interested in arresting the development of sustainable energy independence across Southeast Asia.

The Irrawaddy is literally a creation of the US State Department via its National Endowment for Democracy (NED). This is revealed in a 2006 report titled, "FAILING THE PEOPLE OF BURMA? A call for a review of DFID policy on Burma," published by the Burma Campaign UK. In it, it states specifically:

The NED sub-grant program also has fostered the development of three well-known Burmese media organizations. The New Era Journal, the Irrawaddy, and the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) radio have become critical sources of independent news and information on the struggle for democracy in Burma.

NED, while claiming to be "a private, nonprofit foundation dedicated to the growth and strengthening of democratic institutions around the world," has upon its board of directors (past and present) an unsavory collection of Fortune 500 representatives, pro-war Neo-Conservatives, and establishment politicians tied to some of the most regressive global agendas. These include Goldman Sachs, Boeing, Exxon, the above mentioned Brookings Institution, and many more.

It is clear that this collection of special interests is not concerned with the human or environmental impact of hydroelectric energy production – considering many are directly overseeing the global petroleum racket. Instead is a desire in eliminating both potential competitors, as well as any semblance of geopolitical independence in regions of the planet they seek to project their power into. With think tanks like Brookings drawing up battle plans for everything from the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, to decade-spanning occupations, to proxy wars against Syria and Iran, it is not difficult to understand lesser forms of projecting power – through co-opted NGOs masquerading under the guise of "environmentalism" and "social activism," are also amongst their tools.International Rivers, over the years, has been funded by the following; The Sigrid Rausing Trust, Tides Foundation, Google, Open Society, the Ford Foundation, to name a few. Many of those contributing to International Rivers, are themselves creations of corporate-financier interests. Direct sponsors, such as the Sigrid Rausing Trust, Ford Foundation, and Open Society, are also involved in funding policy think tanks such as the Brookings Institution – a pro-war, pro-corporate conglomeration that features alongside the Sigrid Rausing Trust as donors (.pdf), banking empires including JP Morgan, Bank of America, and Barclays Bank, big-oil interests including Exxon, Chevron, Shell, and Statoil, as well as big-defense corporations Boeing, Northrop Grumman, and Raytheon,

In fact, International Rivers makes a very interesting point that frames America's war on Asian dams perfectly. Under "Banks and Dam Builders" it claims:

Traditionally, the World Bank Group has been the most important financier of large dams. For decades, the World Bank funded the construction of mega-dams across the world.

In recent years, however, Chinese financial institutions have taken over this role, and have triggered a new boom in global dam building. Other public sector national banks, including Brazilian banks, Thai banks, and Indian banks, have also financed an increasingly important share.

And there in lies one of many problems Wall Street and London and their "World Bank" have with Asia's dam boom – their fingers aren't in the pie in a region they openly seek to influence, manipulate, and even use as a collective proxy against China.

The River Ruse

13231234How exactly does one go about demonizing sustainable, renewable energy production that doubles as a means of flood management and river navigation?

International Rivers and the well-intentioned activist subsidiaries it dupes into propagating its regressive agenda focus on several angles to demonize hydroelectric power – ranging from the plausible to the absolutely ridiculous. Upon International Rivers' website filed under "Our Work," one will find perhaps the most ridiculous excuse International Rivers proposes a nation should not build a dam because of – "Climate Change and Rivers." Citing an obscure study regarding methane producing bacteria found in virtually all permanent freshwater bodies from ponds to lakes and everything in between, International Rivers claims that dams and the reservoirs they create are contributing to "global warming" and therefore should not be built.

Upon International Rivers' "Mekong Mainstream Dams" page, it claims:Other excuses International Rivers uses to obstruct dam projects that will bring electricity for modern infrastructure, industry, and other necessary requirements for producing job opportunities and a better quality of life is the defense of indigenous populations and their unsustainable fishing of various rivers' dwindling fish populations. In reality, a dam's construction would provide the means for many of these fishing communities to switch over to more productive occupations allowing fish populations to either recover, or be relocated to areas they can be carefully managed and nursed back to healthy levels.

The revival of plans to build a series of dams on the Mekong River's mainstream in Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand presents a serious threat to the river's ecology and puts at risk the wellbeing of millions of people dependent on the river for food, income, transportation and a multitude of other needs.

Only these people fishing and living along the rivers exist in a condition of abject poverty, trapped in a cycle of poor education, menial labor, exploitation, and dwindling natural resources being increasingly overtaxed – specifically because the Mekong is not being developed as project after project is "shelved" as International Rivers proudly puts it, due to their regressive work. These fisheries are being plundered by people who are unable to make any other living – again – primarily because of the lack of real, tangible, infrastructure development along the Mekong.

Real Problems, Real Solutions

This is not to say there are no real issues to debate when it comes to dam construction. Governments and investors seeking to build such projects have a responsibility to both the local people and the surrounding environment to ensure that the inevitable disruption and displacement that occurs is duly compensated for and that the benefits of the dam demonstrably outweigh the inconveniences it causes before construction.

Flood management, transportation, and other benefits provided by the proper, well-planned construction of dams have raised millions out of poverty and literally lit up the lives of people around the planet from the rural south in the United States during the Great Depression, all across Europe for generations, to China today. Special interests in the West, already having constructed their dams and enjoying the fruits of well-developed infrastructure and industrialization are leveraging the disparity such development has granted them over impoverished, developing nations to kick-over any attempts to catch up – at least as long as that catching up isn't accomplished through Western corporations, banks, and other monopolies.A middle ground must be found between those who seek to construct dams, and those who will be affected by them. Provisions for protecting or even expanding fisheries after a dam is completed, utilizing the reservoir that will form is one way of accomplishing this. Ensuring that energy produced by the dam will lead to industrialization and local development that will provide better jobs and opportunities for local communities is another. Creating modern means of bypassing dams for improved river navigation is another way dams can demonstrably improve the lives of local communities and businesses.

When a large-scale infrastructure project is ready to move from the drawing board toward breaking ground, there is much to debate about, and even potentially protest against regarding the manner in which the project is built, by whom, and to whose benefit. However, the topic of whether or not real, tangible, infrastructure development should be build should never be up for debate. It is the inherent right of all to move forward and upward. Those irrationally protesting any infrastructure project of any kind based on the tenuous arguments of disrupting the environment or unsustainable practices carried out by desperately poor people who need such projects to thrive, are the true enemies of progress, the environment, and ultimately the very people they claim to help.

Local activists caught up in lies and propaganda can be forgiven for being misled, and should work to fulfill their role as a true check and balance against infrastructure development – not a perpetual, irrationally obstruction to it. Organizations like International Rivers, however, cannot be forgiven. Affiliated with the planet's worst socioeconomic and environmental criminals, activists the world over should ostracize and avoid them – lest they be tainted too by the regressive agenda of special interests.

Tony Cartalucci, Bangkok-based geopolitical researcher and writer, especially for the online magazine"New Eastern Outlook".

Copyright © 2014 Global Research

 


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Conflict and Security

Conflict and Security

Highlighting research on the the drivers and dynamics of conflict such as ethnicity and competition for natural resources; current approaches to conflict prevention and best practice in the design of security and peacebuilding programmes.
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Eldis Conflict and Security Reporter

3 November 2013
www.eldis.org/go/topics/resource-guides/conflict-and-security

This is our regular bulletin that highlights recent publications on conflict and security issues.
The documents highlighted here are available to download online without charge. If you are unable to access any of these materials online and would like to receive a copy of a document as an email attachment, please contact our editor at the email address given below.
 

IN THIS ISSUE:


  1. The financing of international peace operations in Africa: a review of recent research and analyses
  2. Five key questions answered on the link between peace and religion
  3. Myanmar: the politics of Rakhine State
  4. Re-examining identities and power: gender in peacebuilding in Colombia
  5. Security and risk management for peacebuilding organisations

The financing of international peace operations in Africa: a review of recent research and analyses 

Authors: Jentzsch,C.
Produced by: Social Science Research Council, USA (2014)

Mobilising the necessary financial, material, and logistical resources has been a major challenge to conducting peace operations in Africa that has often exposed the dependence of African states on the international community to act in their crises. Pan-Africanism has long called for Africans taking more responsibility for security and development. Beyond the urge to take responsibility is the realisation that international organisations do not have the capacity, nor their member states the political will, to intervene in all the crises in Africa, and that African regional organisations might be better equipped to respond efficiently and effectively to threats to peace and security.
This working paper represents a first attempt to address these issues by reviewing the evolution of financing peace operations in Africa. The goal is to provide a background for the evolution of financing mechanisms and to stir debate on the future of financing peace operations by evaluating current practices and ideas. While recent reforms have brought about some improvement, they have not fundamentally solved the problems that inhibit the adequate and rapid deployment of African resources, materials, and personnel to address crises on the continent. In addition to addressing the duplication of structures and waste of resources, significant efforts must be made to evaluate previous and potential financing mechanisms to come up with alternatives that reduce African dependence on international donors.
[Summary adapted from source]


Available online at: http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/?doc=69563

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Five key questions answered on the link between peace and religion


What is the relationship between religion and peace? This report presents empirical research conducted by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) in conjunction with the Religious Freedom and Business Foundation that aims to get beyond ideology to provide a more comprehensive understanding of how religion interacts with peace. Quantitative analysis has revealed that many of the commonly made statements surrounding the relationship between peace and religion are not supported by the analysis contained in this study. It is easy to draw simple conclusions about the link between religion and violence today.
While there has been high profile terrorist conflict involving religious fundamentalism this is distinct from the broader relationship between religion and peace. Some of the greatest peace builders of the 20th century have also been religious leaders; Desmond Tutu, Mahatma Ghandi and Martin Luther King are names synonymous with the practice of nonviolence. Many non-violent movements have been based on religious principles and the major religions of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Islam all have forms of nonviolence and peace as part of their religious traditions. This highlights a contradiction which has been played out through history; on the one hand religion has been a motivator of conflict, yet it has also been pivotal in developing key concepts of peace and non-violence as well as creating peace.
This report answers five common questions relating to religion and violence:
  • Is religion the main cause of conflict today?
  • Does the proportion of religious belief or atheism in a country determine the peace of the country?
  • In Muslim countries, does the demographic spread of Sunni and Shia determine peace?
  • Is religion key to understanding what drives peace?
  • Can religion play a positive role in peacebuilding?
[Summary adapted from author]


Available online at: http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/?doc=69559

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Myanmar: the politics of Rakhine State

Produced by: International Crisis Group (2014)

The situation in Rakhine State contains a toxic mixture of historical centre-periphery tensions, serious intercommunal and inter-religious conflict with minority Muslim communities, and extreme poverty and under-development. This led to major violence in 2012 and further sporadic outbreaks since then. The political temperature is high, and likely to increase as Myanmar moves closer to national elections at the end of 2015.
The problems faced by Rakhine State are rooted in decades of armed violence, authoritarian rule and state-society conflict. This crisis has affected the whole of the state and all communities within it. It requires a sustained and multi-pronged response, as well as critical humanitarian and protection interventions in the interim. Failure to deal with the situation can have impacts for the whole country. As Myanmar is redefining itself as a more open society at peace with its minorities and embracing its diversity, introducing the seeds of a narrow and discriminatory nationalism could create huge problems for the future.
Unless Myanmar is successful in creating a new sense of national identity that embraces the country’s huge cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, peace and stability will remain elusive nationwide. In the meantime, it is essential for the international community to support the humanitarian and protection needs of vulnerable populations, which are likely to remain for years. It is also vital to address the chronic poverty and underdevelopment of all communities in the state, particularly through equitable and well-targeted village-level community development schemes.
[Summary adapted from author]


Available online at: http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/?doc=69560

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Re-examining identities and power: gender in peacebuilding in Colombia

Authors: López Castañeda,D.; Myrttinen,H.
Produced by: International Alert (2014)

As part of a four-country research project on gender in peacebuilding, this report examines the case of Colombia, where society has been deeply affected by both decades of armed conflict as well as high levels of criminal violence. The research approaches the challenges of peacebuilding in Colombia from a ‘gender-relational’ angle, which looks at men, women and trans- and intersex persons as gendered beings, takes into account the interaction between gender identities and other markers such as age, class, disability, marital status and the like, and examines how these identities are constructed relationally to one another. Gender is not seen as a ‘technical’ peacebuilding issue, but as a lens through which to analyse societal norms, identities and power dynamics.
After giving a background to the history of violent conflict in Colombia and its gendered dynamics, the report examines three local civil society organisations that, in their own way, approach peacebuilding in a gender-relational way. The three organisations are: Association of Women of Eastern Antioquia (Asociacion de Mujeres del Oriente Antioqueño, AMOR), a women’s organisation that is increasingly working on issues of both femininities and masculinities; Wayuumunsurat/Mujeres Tejiendo Paz (Women Weaving Peace), an organisation led by indigenous women working for transitional justice and gender equality; and Santamaria Foundation (Santamaría Fundación, SF), a trans-women’s rights organisation. Based on field research, an examination of the work of the three above-mentioned organisations and an extensive analysis of secondary sources, the report provides a gendered analysis of four focal areas of peacebuilding:
  • the economic and livelihoods dimensions of peacebuilding;
  • intergenerational conflict and age–gender dynamics;
  • permutations and continuums of violence; and
  • access to justice.
The report concludes with a summary and an outlook as Colombia hopefully enters a new phase of peacebuilding – if and when the Colombian state and the FARC conclude a peace agreement.
[Summary adapted from author]


Available online at: http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/?doc=69573

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Security and risk management for peacebuilding organisations

Authors: Fast,L.
Produced by: Berghof Conflict Research (2014)

In the area of security management, all too often a devastating event spurs change or innovation. A series of kidnappings and the deaths of six delegates of the International Committee of the Red Cross in Chechnya in 1996 prompted humanitarian and development agencies to work together to design a security-training curriculum. This comprehensive curriculum has undergone several revisions and expansions, includingin 2010 (HPN 2010). The revisions incorporate new practices and lessons, but its core elements remain much the same. Individual peacebuilders have died over the years, especially local peacebuilders, but to date, fortunately, no large-scale tragedies have afflicted the peacebuilding sector. Perhaps as a result, the peacebuilding community has neglected this as an area of inquiry and practice.
Several areas stand out in particular as areas for further research and intervention:
  • as a field, we must do a better job of educating peacebuilders themselves, especially those new to the field, about the risks inherent in the work and also in recognising that exposing oneself to risk is, to some degree, a personal choice
  • the dearth of data documenting the specific risks that peacebuilders face highlights the need for better monitoring and tracking of incidents, both in terms of type and prevalence. Without data, we have no way of knowing beyond anecdotal evidence how and why security for peacebuilders is (or is not) different from other intervener populations, or the variations between peacebuilders of various types (international, national, multi-partial, or insider). Any such effort must also include equal and perhaps more concerted attention to the specific risks for national and local peacebuilders. Local peacebuilders often operate out of the spotlight or might not be linked into international networks but nonetheless put their lives on the line
  • most international peacebuilding organisations have only begun to consider security and risk management. Their access to resources, however, is likely better than for insider or local peacebuilders. Security management materials are often not translated into local languages and international peacebuilders are usually better networked with other international actors or have access to a broader base of financial support. Nevertheless, a lack of access to resources does not necessarily imply a deficiency in security management approaches. In developing a peacebuilding approach to security and risk management, we all must work at implementing an ethic of care toward staff as well as partner organisations. We must also work at developing an ethic of mutual learning in the context of insider-outsider peacebuilding encounters


Available online at: http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/?doc=69061

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