#AfricanElections: Opposition politics in Tanzania & the media's role in electoral violence in Zimbabwe View this email in your browser Africa at LSE newsletter Scroll down for latest posts Upcoming Events Fighting Homophobia in Uganda: A Conversation with Frank Mugisha Date: Wednesday 8 July 2015 Time: 6.30-7:30pm Venue: Thai Theatre (New Academic Building LG.03) Speaker: Dr Frank Mugisha and Dr Rahul Rao Chair: Chris Thomas Dr Rahul Rao will be interviewing Dr Frank Mugisha, Executive Director of Sexual Minorities Uganda, about his experiences as a gay man and an LGBT activist in one of the most actively hostile nations in the world. Uganda is threatening to enact new legislation which would lead to the further persecution of the LGBT community, and a clamp down on LGBT advocacy NGOs like Sexual Minorities Uganda. There will also be an opportunity for members of the audience to ask Frank about his vital work and life-long struggle to fight for the human rights of LGBT people in this uniquely persecutory environment. All members of the audience are invited to attend the reception following the debate to continue the discussion. This event is free and open to all, but you must register to attend: http://bit.ly/1LAjALx. Follow us on Twitter and Instagram @AfricaAtLSE   Opposition Politics in Tanzania and Why the Country will Benefit from a Strong Unified Opposition As opposition parties in Tanzania unite, Nicodemus Minde looks at how this new coalition could become a credible option for the country's citizens.   Failed coup in Burundi: what does it mean for the future of the country? LSE's Benjamin Chemouni ponders the consequences of the failed coup in view of an upcoming presidential election.   A Second Chance: Reinvigorating Agricultural Co-operatives in Africa LSE's Donnas Ojok gives a brief history of agricultural co-operatives in Africa and discusses the potential these organisations have for the continent today.   Uganda: Digging for Social Justice in Karamoja Simone Datzberger and Tenywa Aloysius Malagala examine how the poor provision of education for the Karamojong in Northern Uganda affects the community's ability to advocate for their rights in the face of mineral resource exploitation. .   Book Review: A Passion for Freedom: My life by Mamphela Ramphele LSE's Mitchell Aghatise calls the most recent autobiography by the South African politician, former activist, doctor and academic Dr Mamphela Ramphele a very engaging read.   Mediating electoral conflict in Zimbabwe Stanley Tsarwe and Admire Mare examine the media's role in triggering political violence.   Double Vision: A photographic exhibition of South End, Port Elizabeth, South Africa A collection of photos curated by LSE's Naomi Roux tells of some of the effects of apartheid legislation which sought to racially segregate every aspect of South African life.   Elephants in the room: urban primacy and economic growth in Africa Kris Hartley recommends geographically balanced growth as a way of countering the negative impact of dominant cities on national economies.   Why the 2015 African Union Summit is a missed opportunity Waiswa Nkwanga argues that as the only continental organisation in Africa to bring its heads of state together every year, the AU should provide the leadership needed to address the most vexing problems affecting the continent.   Book Review: Thomas Sankara: Recueil de textes introduits par Bruno Jaffré LSE's Fanny Laplace says that this collection of speeches by the former Burkinabe leader Thomas Sankara provides a window into the vision of the revolutionary. Copyright © 2015 London School of Economics & Political Science, All rights reserved. You are receiving this email because you opted in on our website or you are an LSE academic or student working with an interest in Africa.

[AfricaRealities.com] General Karake Karenzi’s criminal record gives goosebumps

 

https://therisingcontinent.wordpress.com/2015/07/07/general-karake-karenzis-criminal-record-gives-goosebumps/

So full that detainees had to be handcuffed on windows. US, UK and other Kagame's foreign partners should be ashamed of supporting a such abject regime.

"The practice of screening Hutus and transporting them to execution sites started during the genocide but was implemented in earnest afterward, entrenching a deadly policy that continued, in varying degrees, for years to come," Judi Rever writes.

The criminal record of General Karenzi Karake, Rwandan Spy Chief arrested in London on 20/06/15, talks volumes. It gives goosebumps. That's however what emerges from Judi Rever piece initially published by Foreign Policy Journal on 03/07/15.

Rwandans whose family members died and or continue dying as a consequence of the regime that the Rwandan Patriotic Front has established in Rwanda since July 1994, are relatively aware of RPF's killing techniques and strategies.

They have been extensively used to reduce significantly Hutu populations and keep their survivors under total control as second category citizens with very restricted human rights in their own country.

When you read Rever's article, you feel like transported in the time of the horrific tragedies of humankind most talked about in world history, probably because of the resilience of its victims in keeping alive their tragic past: the holocaust of Jews.

The resemblance of the killing methods are so striking. They made me revisit what Jewish people experienced in the hands of the Nazi.

Two names come up in prominence from the Nazi era:

1) SS chief Heinrich Himmler had full responsibility for all security matters in the occupied Soviet Union. He had broad authority to physically eliminate any perceived threats to permanent German rule;

2) Nazi leader Hermann Goering had supervisory authority to  make preparations for the implementation of a "complete solution of the Jewish question."

The roles that Generals Kayumba Nyamwasa and Karenzi Karake occupied in the RPF military and intelligence hierarchy – most importantly the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) – appear to be similar in implementing the final solution against Hutu and Congolese populations.

The most revealing surprise is the similarity of the modus operandi of the mobile killing units (Einsatzgruppen) that did most of the killing of hutus across Rwanda and Democratic Republic of Congo, as reported by many ex-RPF soldiers who deserted ranks.

The irony of the story is that while the final solution against hutus was being implemented by General Kayumba Nyamwasa, before and during the "official" genocide of 1994, then thereafter pursued by General Karenzi Karake, from 1997 onwards, RPF was drumming at every ear in the international community about another genocide.

This one had according to Kigali version been planned and committed by hutus against tutsis, and because of it the Rwandan regime had ensured that all hutus educated, leaders or not, were tracked anywhere in any country across the world for being genocidaires.

Having said that, ample evidence has proven that tutsis have been killed because of who they were, which means they were victims of a genocide.

Back to the written piece referred to at the beginning of this note, please find below a  short extract:

Investigators at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) set out to discover what DMI did during and after the genocide. Their findings were compiled in a confidential report submitted to Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow and accessed by this journalist.

"The Directorate of Military Intelligence was created in late 1990 as part of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) military structure. From its creation and until the end of the war in 1994, Colonel Kayumba Nyamwasa was in charge of this directorate. The DMI is hated and feared by most of the Rwandan population, inside and outside of Rwanda due to its reputation for cruelty and killing operations. Most of the massacres attributed to the RPA were committed by the DMI," the document states.

The report emphasizes that Nyamwasa was DMI chief until the formation of the RPF government and "'nothing was done without his knowledge." Investigators later state that Nyamwasa "was replaced by Lt Colonel Karenzi Karake."

The report—written by the ICTR's Special Investigations Unit that looked into crimes committed by the RPF—goes on to say that DMI representatives were in every military unit, and that special DMI forces were under the control of DMI headquarters, and special agents called 'technicians' were part of DMI operations.

The report states that technicians were trained to use pharmaceutical products to kill and poison water; they were given courses on how to murder with ropes and hoes, how to smother people with plastic bags, how to inject oil from syringes into victims' ears, and how to tie people's elbows behind their backs and bind their feet as a means of torture. The technicians were also instructed to use bayonets, guns and grenades, in addition to laying landmines.

Karake's reign of terror at the helm of DMI
Immediately after Kagame's troops seized the capital and in the smoky weeks before being named DMI chief, Karake directed a series of operations from all over Rwanda that lured and screened young male Hutus into the RPA, in schemes that brought them to killing centers, mainly in remote areas of Akagera Park which was off limits to the UN and NGOs, sources said. He worked closely at the time with Patrick Nyamvumba, who headed the Training Wing and is now Rwanda's chief of defense staff.

The practice of screening Hutus and transporting them to execution sites started during the genocide but was implemented in earnest afterward, entrenching a deadly policy that continued, in varying degrees, for years to come.

From testimony collected from witnesses, investigators stipulated that "after the war, the Hutu population were arrested by DMI agents in given places and eliminated at a great rate. The bodies were incinerated and ashes were buried." Sports grounds and military camps were often created over common graves."

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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.

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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>

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