Skip to main content

French-backed Mali forces push towards rebel-held Gao


French-backed Mali forces push towards rebel-held Gao

SEGOU/BAMAKO, Mali (Reuters) - French-backed government forces advanced into northern Mali towards the Islamist rebel stronghold of Gao on Friday, recapturing the town of Hombori and forcing al Qaeda-allied fighters to pull back under relentless French air strikes.
France sent troops and aircraft to its former colony two weeks ago to block a southward offensive by Islamists occupying Mali's north. French and Malian troops have been pushing forward on either side of the Niger River, securing several farming towns recaptured over the last week.
Leaders gathered at an African Union summit in Addis Ababa appealed for logistical support, supplies and funding from the international community to allow a nearly 6,000-strong African ground force to deploy fully.
Malian officials said government forces entered Hombori, about 160 km (100 miles) southwest of Gao, late on Thursday and said an offensive against Gao could take place in the next few days.
Gao, with the other Saharan desert towns of Timbuktu and Kidal, has been occupied since last year by an Islamist alliance that includes AQIM, the north African franchise of al Qaeda.
"Our troops supported by French forces entered Hombori yesterday evening without any combat. The Islamists had already deserted the town," a Malian military officer, who asked not to be named, told Reuters.
Mali's national radio said Hombori's inhabitants turned out to cheer the government soldiers.
South of Mopti, a Reuters reporter saw a large column of French armoured vehicles and supply trucks rolling northeast along the main road in the direction of Gao.
Western and African leaders say the U.N.-backed intervention in Mali is necessary to stop the country's north - a vast, lawless tract of desert and mountains that juts into the Sahara - from becoming a safe haven for radical Islamist jihadists seeking to launch international attacks.
The United States and the European Union are helping with the airlift of French troops and equipment to Mali but have ruled out sending any combat troops. An EU mission to help train the Malian army will start next month.
Britain said it was sending a Sentinel manned surveillance aircraft to assist the campaign against the insurgents.
ISLAMISTS BLOW ROAD BRIDGE
Malian officials said French air raids on Thursday hit rebel positions at Ansongo, 95 km (60 miles) south of Gao. This is on the road to neighbouring Niger, where Nigerien and Chadian forces are poised to join the fight against the Islamists.
But in a sign of Islamist rebel resistance, a Malian officer and residents living in the area south of Gao reported the militants had blown up a bridge at Tassiga, south of Ansongo, on the road following the Niger River down to Niger.
Two civilians were reported killed when their vehicle drove off the destroyed bridge, the same sources said.
French Rafale jets and Tiger helicopter gunships have been harrying the rebel fighters with air strikes on their vehicles, bases and stores.
The rebels have abandoned caches of munitions, including one, at Diabaly in central Mali, found to contain rockets for a Soviet-made BM-21 Grad multiple rocket launcher, witnesses said.
Despite the optimism now being shown by Malian military commanders, French officials have said their Islamist opponents appear well trained and well equipped, and are likely to resort to hit-and-run guerrilla warfare rather then committing to a conventional battle.
On Thursday, a split emerged in the Islamist militant coalition. One Tuareg leader of the Malian Ansar Dine group announced the creation of a new faction, said he wanted talks and rejected any alliance with AQIM. [ID:nL6N0ATBN1]
France has 2,500 soldiers on the ground in Mali as part of its Operation Serval (Wildcat), while a total of 3,700 French armed forces members are involved in the whole operation, according to the French Defence Ministry.
Only around 1,200 soldiers of the African intervention force for Mali, known as AFISMA and to be mostly comprised of troops from neighbouring West African nations, have so far arrived in the country. Troops from Burkina Faso, Benin, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo, Niger and Chad are being deployed.
LOGISTICS AN OBSTACLE
Asked what was holding back the full deployment of the African force, the AU's peace and security commissioner, Ramtane Lamamra, told Reuters in Addis Ababa: "One word, logistics."
The AFISMA force needed airlift support, ammunition, telecoms equipment, field hospitals, food and water, he said. It also required training to operate in Mali's desert and arid mountains.
Lamamra said the fast-moving situation in Mali had shown up the need for the African continental body to improve its ability to deploy its rapid-reaction military force.
"This is one of the first lessons learned (from Mali) and we will be working hard on that," Lamamra said, speaking on the sidelines of the AU summit.
Chad and Niger are readying troops with desert fighting experience to cross the border from Niger towards Gao in a separate flanking offensive.
But Chadian Foreign Minister Moussa Faki told Reuters in Addis Ababa his country was having problems finding planes to ferry armoured troop vehicles to Niger for its contingent.
"We're waiting for assistance from the international community to help us deploy all of the equipment," he said.
A conference of donors to support the Mali intervention will be held in Addis Ababa, on January 29 after the AU summit.
Lamamra said hundreds of millions of dollars would be sought to train, arm and deploy Malian and African troops. Earlier this week France put the targeted figure at about 340 million euros ($452 million) for a full year.
The European Union has earmarked 50 million euros to pay the salaries of the African ground troops, a French diplomatic source said. It was not clear what period this would cover.
(Additional reporting by Aaron Maasho and Richard Lough in Addis Ababa, John Irish in Paris and David Lewis in Dakar; Writing by Pascal Fletcher; Editing by Daniel Flynn)

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Le Rwanda au Mozambique : qui les a placés là, pourquoi ils ne peuvent pas rester et pourquoi la SADC doit les remplacer avant que les dégâts ne deviennent permanents

  Qui a placé le Rwanda là-bas, pourquoi la France refuse de le remplacer, comment le déploiement est devenu un bouclier contre les sanctions, et pourquoi la SADC doit agir avant que les dégâts ne deviennent permanents Mars 2026   Résumé exécutif Les sanctions occidentales contre les Forces de Défense du Rwanda (RDF), imposées par les États-Unis le 2 mars 2026 en vertu du Global Magnitsky Act et relayées par une pression croissante de l'Union européenne, ont mis à nu une contradiction stratégique de premier ordre. La même force militaire sanctionnée pour son soutien opérationnel direct au groupe rebelle M23 en République démocratique du Congo est simultanément le principal garant sécuritaire d'un projet de gaz naturel liquéfié (GNL) de 20 milliards de dollars exploité par le géant français TotalEnergies à Cabo Delgado, dans le nord du Mozambique. Cette analyse répond à trois questions interconnectées dont les réponses définissent ...

Pourquoi les sanctions américaines ne fonctionnent pas contre le Rwanda

Pourquoi Paul Kagame a ignoré les sanctions américaines et la Résolution 2773 du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU Entre février 2025 et mars 2026, le Trésor américain a imposé deux séries de sanctions ciblant directement la machine de guerre du Rwanda dans l'est du Congo : d'abord James Kabarebe, ministre d'État rwandais et principal intermédiaire du régime auprès du M23, puis les Forces de défense rwandaises en tant qu'entité, ainsi que quatre de leurs hauts responsables. Chacun des individus sanctionnés est demeuré en poste. Les FDR ne se sont pas retirées. Cette analyse examine pourquoi les mesures de Washington n'ont pas modifié la conduite du Rwanda — et pourquoi, selon les propres mots de Kagame, elles sont rejetées comme l'Å“uvre des « simplement stupides ».     Introduction : des sanctions sans conséquence La campagne de sanctions de Washington contre les opérations militaires du Rwanda dans l'est du Congo s'...

The Killing of Karine Buisset. RDF/M23 Responsible in Any Scenario.

The Killing of Karine Buisset in Goma: Rwanda's Occupation, a Drone Strike, and the Long Pattern of Targeted Violence In the early hours of Wednesday, 11 March 2026, a drone struck a two-storey residential building in the Himbi neighbourhood of Goma, a city held by Rwanda-backed RDF/M23 rebels since January 2025. Karine Buisset, a 54-year-old French national from Belz in Morbihan and a UNICEF child protection officer, was sleeping in the apartment of Christine Guinot, UNICEF's head of security in the DRC, who was not present that night. Buisset died at the scene. Two other people were also killed. By 4:12 a.m., a second wave of strikes had hit the city. RDF/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka attributed the drone attack to the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC), describing it as a "combat drone" strike and a "terrorist attack" on civilian areas. France's President Emmanuel Macron confirmed Buisset's death on...

BBC News

Africanews

UNDP - Africa Job Vacancies

How We Made It In Africa – Insight into business in Africa

Migration Policy Institute