Rwanda, CEPGL et East African Community: une contradiction apparente Introduction Votre observation est stratégique et mérite une analyse approfondie. Si le Rwanda a effectivement renforcé son engagement au sein de la East African Community (EAC) tout en laissant la Communauté Économique des Pays des Grands Lacs (CEPGL) en veille prolongée, cela suggère que la coopération multilatérale n'était pas rejetée en soi. La question devient alors plus nuancée: pourquoi privilégier un cadre régional large comme l'EAC et marginaliser un cadre plus restreint et historiquement sensible comme la CEPGL? Ce n'est pas une contradiction simple. C'est un choix stratégique. 1. L'EAC: un espace économique structuré et moins conflictuel historiquement Le Rwanda a rejoint l'EAC en 2007. Ce bloc régional inclut notamment le Kenya, la Tanzanie et l'Ouganda, des partenaires économiques majeurs. Contrairement à la CEPGL, l'EAC: Repose sur une forte dynamiq...

Why the CEPGL Was Sidelined After 1994: Security Doctrine, Regional Realignment and Strategic Choices in the Great Lakes Introduction The decline of the Communauté Économique des Pays des Grands Lacs (CEPGL) after 1994 was not accidental. It was the result of a profound geopolitical rupture in the Great Lakes region. Established in 1976 by Burundi, Rwanda and the then Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo ), the CEPGL aimed to promote economic cooperation, free movement and political dialogue among neighbours whose histories and borders are deeply intertwined. Yet after the assassination of Juvénal Habyarimana in April 1994 and the fall of Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997, the organisation gradually faded from political relevance. Some argue that the explanation lies primarily in Rwanda's post-genocide security doctrine and alleged regional ambitions. Others point to broader systemic collapse and the wars that engulfed Congo. A further dimension complicates the narrati...

Rwanda's Security Narrative in Eastern DRC: Legitimate Concerns or Strategic Justification? Introduction In debates surrounding the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), one of the most contested issues is Rwanda's justification for its regional posture. Kigali consistently frames its involvement in eastern Congo as driven by national security imperatives, particularly the presence of armed groups it considers hostile. However, critics argue that these security concerns may be overstated, and that they could function as political justification for broader strategic objectives. This debate is not merely rhetorical. It goes to the heart of how the Great Lakes conflict is understood — and how it might eventually be resolved. The Official Security Framework Since 1994, Rwanda's national security doctrine has prioritised prevention of cross-border armed mobilisation. The legacy of genocide shaped a political culture in which perceived external...

Rwanda, the EAC and the DRC Conflict: Security Strategy, Economic Limits and Regional Power Politics Introduction A recurring argument in regional debate suggests that Rwanda's limited economic gains from the East African Community (EAC) partly explain renewed tensions in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). According to this view, when regional integration fails to generate sufficient returns, a state may pursue alternative strategies of influence in neighbouring territories. This argument is politically powerful but analytically complex. The Great Lakes region does not operate under single-cause dynamics. Security doctrine, mineral economics, regional power positioning, historical memory and institutional weaknesses intersect in layered ways. To reach a responsible conclusion, it is necessary to assess whether economic frustration within the EAC framework plausibly drives Rwanda's posture in eastern Congo, or whether structural security considerations rem...

Introduction A growing body of reporting, parliamentary research, and UN documentation has repeatedly placed Rwanda's role in eastern DRC alongside three recurring themes that go beyond immediate self-defence: minerals and trade routes, land and local governance, and identity politics tied to long-term influence. What the "security" justification claims Kigali's core claim is that armed groups based in eastern DRC, especially the FDLR, pose a continuing threat to Rwanda and require robust action. In this framing, cross-border pressure, military posturing, and support to allied actors are presented as defensive or preventive. This is politically effective because it draws on a real historical trauma (1994) and a real security problem (armed group persistence). But effectiveness is not the same thing as proportionality, and this is where your challenge bites: if the FDLR is operationally weak, and if Rwanda has had decades of opportunities to...

Rwanda, the EAC and the DRC Conflict: Security Strategy, Economic Limits and Regional Power Politics Introduction A recurring argument in regional debate suggests that Rwanda's limited economic gains from the East African Community (EAC) partly explain renewed tensions in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). According to this view, when regional integration fails to generate sufficient returns, a state may pursue alternative strategies of influence in neighbouring territories. This argument is politically powerful but analytically complex. The Great Lakes region does not operate under single-cause dynamics. Security doctrine, mineral economics, regional power positioning, historical memory and institutional weaknesses intersect in layered ways. To reach a responsible conclusion, it is necessary to assess whether economic frustration within the EAC framework plausibly drives Rwanda's posture in eastern Congo, or whether structural security considerations rem...

L'importance de la réactivation de la CEPGL pour promouvoir la coopération et la prévention des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs africains 4 Introduction Dans une région où les crises se succèdent depuis plus de trois décennies, la réactivation effective de la Communauté Économique des Pays des Grands Lacs représente bien plus qu'un simple retour institutionnel. Elle constitue une nécessité stratégique pour prévenir les conflits, reconstruire la confiance entre États voisins et offrir une alternative crédible à la logique sécuritaire permanente. Créée en 1976 par le Burundi, la République démocratique du Congo et le Rwanda, la CEPGL avait pour ambition de transformer les interdépendances géographiques en opportunités de développement partagé. Pourtant, les guerres régionales des années 1990 ont affaibli ses mécanismes et vidé de sa substance une organisation qui aurait pu servir de garde-fou contre l'escalade militaire. Aujourd'hui, dans un contexte mar...