http://www.umuvugizi.com/?p=8542&lang=en

Presidents Yoweli Museveni ,Ihuru Kinyata and Paul Kagame discussed about DR Congo security issue in their recent meetings which recently took place in Uganda.

President Kagame drags regional presidents in his piped conflict of DR Congo simply because of his greedy interests of plundering DR Congo mineral resources in order to satisfy his ego of becoming dollar billionaire

By Gasasira,Sweden
Umuvugizi has reliable leant that three Presidents Yoweli Kaguta Museveni of Uganda ,Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Uhuru Kinyatta of Kenya recently met in closed meetings which took place in Entebbe state house,a meeting they termed as discussing regional and international issues .

According to reliable sources from trusted high circles revealed that the meeting which gathered those three heads of state termed as discussing regional issues indeed discussed regional issues which was none apart from discussing the on going security issues in DR Congo and the way they could handle them selves if at all the DR Congo piped security situations ends up bursting towards their borders.

This meeting was functioning in interests of president Kagame who is tirelessly planning to battle and destroy not only DR Congo National Forces "FARDC" but he is also fiercely mobilizing regional forces to assist him in combating UN Intervention Combat Forces .

This is among president Kagame last phases of preparation to attack UN Intervention Combat Forces which he started by using his financed media in destroying the regional presidents who contributed troops to UN Intervention Combat Brigades .

This also happens when Rwanda is at the same time recruiting for M23 rebel groups reaching an extent of forcing Rwandan youth who could have been resourceful to the nation in other sectors and forcefully recruited and trained as M23 Special Forces unit consisted of trained commandos who are set to reinforce M23 rebels fighting a long RDF battling UN Intervention Forces with shelling armaments .

Another phase was that of mobilizing SADC member states to do not collide and contribute to UN Intervention Forces as another way of weakening and sabotaging the UN Intervention Combat Forces created by the UN Security Council which passed overwhelmingly it's resolution 2028 with intentions of rescuing innocent Congolese civilians who have been murdered and displaced to neighbouring countries , terrorized simply because of president Kagame's selfish and greedy interests of plundering DR Congo mineral resources in order to satisfy his ego of becoming dollar billionaire .

The last phase of president Kagame is that of wandering all over the African continents sabotaging the UN Intervention Brigade and mobilizing regional presidents to join him in his last phases of waging a war against UN Forces which he goes on defining as "remarkable fighting against UN Intervention Forces" , a force which is under the UN Security Council where Rwanda is among it's five non permanent members .

Posted by editor on Jun 28 2013. Filed under Breaking News, Politics, Top Stories. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0. You can leave a response or trackback to this entry

http://www.umuvugizi.com/?p=8542&lang=en

Presidents Yoweli Museveni ,Ihuru Kinyata and Paul Kagame discussed about DR Congo security issue in their recent meetings which recently took place in Uganda.

President Kagame drags regional presidents in his piped conflict of DR Congo simply because of his greedy interests of plundering DR Congo mineral resources in order to satisfy his ego of becoming dollar billionaire

By Gasasira,Sweden
Umuvugizi has reliable leant that three Presidents Yoweli Kaguta Museveni of Uganda ,Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Uhuru Kinyatta of Kenya recently met in closed meetings which took place in Entebbe state house,a meeting they termed as discussing regional and international issues .

According to reliable sources from trusted high circles revealed that the meeting which gathered those three heads of state termed as discussing regional issues indeed discussed regional issues which was none apart from discussing the on going security issues in DR Congo and the way they could handle them selves if at all the DR Congo piped security situations ends up bursting towards their borders.

This meeting was functioning in interests of president Kagame who is tirelessly planning to battle and destroy not only DR Congo National Forces "FARDC" but he is also fiercely mobilizing regional forces to assist him in combating UN Intervention Combat Forces .

This is among president Kagame last phases of preparation to attack UN Intervention Combat Forces which he started by using his financed media in destroying the regional presidents who contributed troops to UN Intervention Combat Brigades .

This also happens when Rwanda is at the same time recruiting for M23 rebel groups reaching an extent of forcing Rwandan youth who could have been resourceful to the nation in other sectors and forcefully recruited and trained as M23 Special Forces unit consisted of trained commandos who are set to reinforce M23 rebels fighting a long RDF battling UN Intervention Forces with shelling armaments .

Another phase was that of mobilizing SADC member states to do not collide and contribute to UN Intervention Forces as another way of weakening and sabotaging the UN Intervention Combat Forces created by the UN Security Council which passed overwhelmingly it's resolution 2028 with intentions of rescuing innocent Congolese civilians who have been murdered and displaced to neighbouring countries , terrorized simply because of president Kagame's selfish and greedy interests of plundering DR Congo mineral resources in order to satisfy his ego of becoming dollar billionaire .

The last phase of president Kagame is that of wandering all over the African continents sabotaging the UN Intervention Brigade and mobilizing regional presidents to join him in his last phases of waging a war against UN Forces which he goes on defining as "remarkable fighting against UN Intervention Forces" , a force which is under the UN Security Council where Rwanda is among it's five non permanent members .

Posted by editor on Jun 28 2013. Filed under Breaking News, Politics, Top Stories. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0. You can leave a response or trackback to this entry

http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/28/us-congo-democratic-un-ntaganda-idUSBRE95R10F20130628

Exclusive: Fearing death, Congo's 'Terminator' fled with help of family

Congolese warlord Bosco Ntaganda looks on during his first appearance before judges at the International Criminal Court in the Hague March 26, 2013.

Credit: Reuters/Peter Dejong/Pool

By Michelle Nichols and Louis Charbonneau

UNITED NATIONS | Fri Jun 28, 2013 4:29pm EDT

(Reuters) - Facing defeat by a rival rebel and fearing death at the hands of Rwandan troops, Congolese warlord Bosco Ntaganda quietly slipped into Rwanda on a small path with a single escort to turn himself in at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, according to a U.N. report.

Details of the March 18 surrender of Ntaganda, who evaded arrest on international war crimes charges for seven years, were contained in the confidential interim report by the U.N. Group of Experts to the Security Council's Congo sanctions committee. The report was seen by Reuters on Friday.

Ntaganda, a Rwandan-born Tutsi rebel known as "the Terminator," is accused of murder, rape, sexual slavery and recruiting child soldiers during 15 years of rebellion in resource-rich eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

It was not known how Ntaganda made his way from eastern Congo to the Rwandan capital, where he had simply walked into the U.S. Embassy and asked diplomats to transfer him to the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

The U.N. experts said his secret three-day journey followed after a violent split in the M23 rebel group weeks earlier. Ntaganda's defeat by rival M23 commander Sultani Makenga was aided by Rwandan officials and demobilized Rwandan soldiers, said the report.

Ntaganda "clandestinely crossed the border into Rwanda using a small path in the Gasizi area with one escort," it said.

"He reached Kigali with the help of his family and arrived at the United States Embassy on 18 March where he requested to be transferred to the ICC without prior knowledge of Rwandan authorities," according to the 43-page report.

Rwanda subsequently arrested an individual accused of helping Ntaganda escape and interrogated the warlord's wife and brother, the experts said.

The career of Ntaganda, who has fought for rebels, militias and armies in both Rwanda and Congo in the last 20 years, reflects the tangled and shifting allegiances of a territory that has been repeatedly traumatized by genocide and violence.

Ntaganda said he was not guilty of war crimes during his first appearance at the International Criminal Court in March.

M23 is a Tutsi-dominated group of former Congolese soldiers that has demanded political concessions from President Joseph Kabila's government.

M23 CRIPPLED AFTER NTAGANDA DEFEAT

The U.N. experts report in October named Ntaganda as the leader controlling the M23 rebellion on the ground and added that he and other commanders received "direct military orders" from senior Rwandan military figures acting under instructions from Defense Minister James Kabarebe.

Rwanda vehemently denied supporting the M23, accusing the world of trying to blame it for Congo's unremitting troubles.

The latest experts report found "continuous - but limited - support to M23 from within Rwanda" and cooperation between elements of the Congolese military and a Rwandan Hutu rebel group against the M23 rebels.

Ntaganda had a network of contacts within Rwanda that he used to support his M23 faction against Makenga after the pair had disagreed over the management of M23, the experts said.

"To halt Ntaganda's activities, Rwandan authorities arrested some of the individuals who were part of this network," the experts said.

"Some Rwandan officers also provided limited material support to Makenga as he sought to defeat Ntaganda," found the report. "While some Rwandan officers had ensured Ntaganda of their assistance, in reality they had decide to support Makenga.

"Rwandan officers also fed disinformation to Ntaganda which precipitated his defeat. Former M23 soldiers who fought alongside Ntaganda reported that soldiers of the (Rwandan Defense Force) special forces that were deployed along the border provided Ntaganda with ammunition at the outset of fighting, which made him believe that he enjoyed RDF support."

As his troops began to run low on ammunition after two weeks of fighting, Ntaganda fled into Rwanda, where he feared Rwandan soldiers deployed on the border would kill him. The U.N. experts said that Makenga had also ordered his troops kill Ntaganda.

It was estimated that about 200 rebels from both sides were killed during the M23 split, the report said. Almost 800 rebels loyal to Ntaganda also fled into Rwanda after their defeat. The experts said Makenga was left with some 1,500 fighters spread across a 270 square mile area (700 sq km).

"Moreover M23 has lost the support of leaders and communities which had supported Ntaganda in northern Rwanda and stopped benefiting from the recruitment and financial networks he had established," the report said.

"The movement is unable to control its entire territory and suffers from poor morale and scores of desertions," it said.

http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/28/us-congo-democratic-un-ntaganda-idUSBRE95R10F20130628

Exclusive: Fearing death, Congo's 'Terminator' fled with help of family

Congolese warlord Bosco Ntaganda looks on during his first appearance before judges at the International Criminal Court in the Hague March 26, 2013.

Credit: Reuters/Peter Dejong/Pool

By Michelle Nichols and Louis Charbonneau

UNITED NATIONS | Fri Jun 28, 2013 4:29pm EDT

(Reuters) - Facing defeat by a rival rebel and fearing death at the hands of Rwandan troops, Congolese warlord Bosco Ntaganda quietly slipped into Rwanda on a small path with a single escort to turn himself in at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, according to a U.N. report.

Details of the March 18 surrender of Ntaganda, who evaded arrest on international war crimes charges for seven years, were contained in the confidential interim report by the U.N. Group of Experts to the Security Council's Congo sanctions committee. The report was seen by Reuters on Friday.

Ntaganda, a Rwandan-born Tutsi rebel known as "the Terminator," is accused of murder, rape, sexual slavery and recruiting child soldiers during 15 years of rebellion in resource-rich eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

It was not known how Ntaganda made his way from eastern Congo to the Rwandan capital, where he had simply walked into the U.S. Embassy and asked diplomats to transfer him to the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

The U.N. experts said his secret three-day journey followed after a violent split in the M23 rebel group weeks earlier. Ntaganda's defeat by rival M23 commander Sultani Makenga was aided by Rwandan officials and demobilized Rwandan soldiers, said the report.

Ntaganda "clandestinely crossed the border into Rwanda using a small path in the Gasizi area with one escort," it said.

"He reached Kigali with the help of his family and arrived at the United States Embassy on 18 March where he requested to be transferred to the ICC without prior knowledge of Rwandan authorities," according to the 43-page report.

Rwanda subsequently arrested an individual accused of helping Ntaganda escape and interrogated the warlord's wife and brother, the experts said.

The career of Ntaganda, who has fought for rebels, militias and armies in both Rwanda and Congo in the last 20 years, reflects the tangled and shifting allegiances of a territory that has been repeatedly traumatized by genocide and violence.

Ntaganda said he was not guilty of war crimes during his first appearance at the International Criminal Court in March.

M23 is a Tutsi-dominated group of former Congolese soldiers that has demanded political concessions from President Joseph Kabila's government.

M23 CRIPPLED AFTER NTAGANDA DEFEAT

The U.N. experts report in October named Ntaganda as the leader controlling the M23 rebellion on the ground and added that he and other commanders received "direct military orders" from senior Rwandan military figures acting under instructions from Defense Minister James Kabarebe.

Rwanda vehemently denied supporting the M23, accusing the world of trying to blame it for Congo's unremitting troubles.

The latest experts report found "continuous - but limited - support to M23 from within Rwanda" and cooperation between elements of the Congolese military and a Rwandan Hutu rebel group against the M23 rebels.

Ntaganda had a network of contacts within Rwanda that he used to support his M23 faction against Makenga after the pair had disagreed over the management of M23, the experts said.

"To halt Ntaganda's activities, Rwandan authorities arrested some of the individuals who were part of this network," the experts said.

"Some Rwandan officers also provided limited material support to Makenga as he sought to defeat Ntaganda," found the report. "While some Rwandan officers had ensured Ntaganda of their assistance, in reality they had decide to support Makenga.

"Rwandan officers also fed disinformation to Ntaganda which precipitated his defeat. Former M23 soldiers who fought alongside Ntaganda reported that soldiers of the (Rwandan Defense Force) special forces that were deployed along the border provided Ntaganda with ammunition at the outset of fighting, which made him believe that he enjoyed RDF support."

As his troops began to run low on ammunition after two weeks of fighting, Ntaganda fled into Rwanda, where he feared Rwandan soldiers deployed on the border would kill him. The U.N. experts said that Makenga had also ordered his troops kill Ntaganda.

It was estimated that about 200 rebels from both sides were killed during the M23 split, the report said. Almost 800 rebels loyal to Ntaganda also fled into Rwanda after their defeat. The experts said Makenga was left with some 1,500 fighters spread across a 270 square mile area (700 sq km).

"Moreover M23 has lost the support of leaders and communities which had supported Ntaganda in northern Rwanda and stopped benefiting from the recruitment and financial networks he had established," the report said.

"The movement is unable to control its entire territory and suffers from poor morale and scores of desertions," it said.

http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/28/us-congo-democratic-un-idUSBRE95R0X720130628

Exclusive: Rwanda army officers aiding M23 rebels in Congo - U.N. experts

M23 rebels take position near the town of Mutaho, in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo May 27, 2013.

Credit: Reuters/Jonny Hog

By Louis Charbonneau and Michelle Nichols

UNITED NATIONS | Fri Jun 28, 2013 4:17pm EDT

(Reuters) - Military officers from Rwanda and Democratic Republic of Congo are fueling violence in eastern Congo despite pledges by the countries to foster peace, according to a confidential U.N. experts' report seen by Reuters on Friday.

A rebel group in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo continues to recruit fighters in neighboring Rwanda with the aid of sympathetic Rwandan military officers, the U.N. Group of Experts said in its interim report to the Security Council's Congo sanctions committee.

The U.N. Group of Experts also said elements of the Congolese military have cooperated with a Rwandan Hutu rebel group against the Congolese M23 rebel group, a Tutsi-dominated rebellion of former Congolese soldiers that has demanded political concessions from President Joseph Kabila's government.

The allegations are likely to displease Kigali and Kinshasa, which have signed a U.N.-backed peace agreement and pledged to cooperate on bringing peace and stability to mineral-rich eastern Congo, where millions of people have been killed and many more displaced in decades of conflict.

Recruitment and other forms of support for the M23 rebels have waned in recent months, though the insurgent forces still pose a security threat in eastern Congo, said the U.N. Group of Experts.

"Since the outset of its current mandate, the group has to date found no indication of support to the rebels from within Uganda, and has gathered evidence of continuous - but limited - support to M23 from within Rwanda," the report said.

"The group sent a letter to the government of Rwanda on 14 June 2013 asking for clarification about this support and looks forward to a reply," the U.N. experts said in the 43-page report.

They said current and former M23 members reported that Rwandan army officers or their representatives have crossed the border into Chanzu or Rumangabo in eastern Congo to meet with Makenga.

The report said 14 former M23 soldiers told the Group of Experts that Rwandans who deserted M23 and tried to go home to Rwanda were "forcibly returned to M23" by Rwandan army officers.

Rwanda's deputy U.N. ambassador, Olivier Nduhungirehe, rejected the allegations. "Now that the GoE report was leaked, can you name any single RDF officer mentioned as aiding the M23? NONE!" he wrote on his Twitter feed.

Rwanda has previously complained about the experts. In March Kigali refused to issue entry visas to two panel members, describing them as biased, Nduhungirehe told Reuters at the time.

CONGOLESE TROOPS WORK WITH HUTU REBELS

Collaboration between elements of the Rwandan military and M23 continue, it said. "The Group received information that M23 commanders have regularly met with RDF (Rwandan Defense Forces) officers," the report said.

"Three former M23 officers, a former M23 cadre, and several local authorities told the Group that from March through May 2013, they had witnessed M23 Colonels Kaina and Yusuf Mboneza with RDF officers at the border of Kabuhanga," it said.

But it said that since the brief fall of provincial capital Goma in November 2012 the Group of Experts has not received evidence of full Rwandan army units supporting M23. Also, the March surrender of former M23 leader Bosco Ntaganda has hurt the rebels' morale and sparked desertions, it said.

Last year the experts accused Rwanda's defense minister of commanding the M23 rebellion, which it said was being armed by Rwanda and Uganda, both of which sent troops to aid the insurgency.

The latest report said there was no current signs of Ugandan government support for M23 but noted that limited recruitment activities by the M23 continued on Ugandan territory. It added that Ugandan officials have thwarted several attempts at M23 recruitment.

The allegations come as the United Nations, which has a large peacekeeping force known as MONUSCO in the region, prepares to deploy a special intervention brigade in eastern Congo. That brigade's goal is to aggressively search out and destroy armed groups operating in eastern Congo.

M23 has been generating income of around $180,000 a month from taxes - $200 to $1,000 per truck depending on the load - they exact on the population in the areas where they have been active, the report said.

"The Group notes that sanctioned individual Col. Innocent Kaina of M23 remains engaged in the recruitment of children," it said.

The experts said that they have also received information indicating collaboration between the Congolese military and FDLR rebels, the remnants of Hutu killers who carried out the 1994 genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda, in North Kivu.

The Congolese U.N. mission was not immediately available for comment on the report.

(Editing by Vicki Allen and Doina Chiacu)

http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/28/us-congo-democratic-un-idUSBRE95R0X720130628

Exclusive: Rwanda army officers aiding M23 rebels in Congo - U.N. experts

M23 rebels take position near the town of Mutaho, in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo May 27, 2013.

Credit: Reuters/Jonny Hog

By Louis Charbonneau and Michelle Nichols

UNITED NATIONS | Fri Jun 28, 2013 4:17pm EDT

(Reuters) - Military officers from Rwanda and Democratic Republic of Congo are fueling violence in eastern Congo despite pledges by the countries to foster peace, according to a confidential U.N. experts' report seen by Reuters on Friday.

A rebel group in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo continues to recruit fighters in neighboring Rwanda with the aid of sympathetic Rwandan military officers, the U.N. Group of Experts said in its interim report to the Security Council's Congo sanctions committee.

The U.N. Group of Experts also said elements of the Congolese military have cooperated with a Rwandan Hutu rebel group against the Congolese M23 rebel group, a Tutsi-dominated rebellion of former Congolese soldiers that has demanded political concessions from President Joseph Kabila's government.

The allegations are likely to displease Kigali and Kinshasa, which have signed a U.N.-backed peace agreement and pledged to cooperate on bringing peace and stability to mineral-rich eastern Congo, where millions of people have been killed and many more displaced in decades of conflict.

Recruitment and other forms of support for the M23 rebels have waned in recent months, though the insurgent forces still pose a security threat in eastern Congo, said the U.N. Group of Experts.

"Since the outset of its current mandate, the group has to date found no indication of support to the rebels from within Uganda, and has gathered evidence of continuous - but limited - support to M23 from within Rwanda," the report said.

"The group sent a letter to the government of Rwanda on 14 June 2013 asking for clarification about this support and looks forward to a reply," the U.N. experts said in the 43-page report.

They said current and former M23 members reported that Rwandan army officers or their representatives have crossed the border into Chanzu or Rumangabo in eastern Congo to meet with Makenga.

The report said 14 former M23 soldiers told the Group of Experts that Rwandans who deserted M23 and tried to go home to Rwanda were "forcibly returned to M23" by Rwandan army officers.

Rwanda's deputy U.N. ambassador, Olivier Nduhungirehe, rejected the allegations. "Now that the GoE report was leaked, can you name any single RDF officer mentioned as aiding the M23? NONE!" he wrote on his Twitter feed.

Rwanda has previously complained about the experts. In March Kigali refused to issue entry visas to two panel members, describing them as biased, Nduhungirehe told Reuters at the time.

CONGOLESE TROOPS WORK WITH HUTU REBELS

Collaboration between elements of the Rwandan military and M23 continue, it said. "The Group received information that M23 commanders have regularly met with RDF (Rwandan Defense Forces) officers," the report said.

"Three former M23 officers, a former M23 cadre, and several local authorities told the Group that from March through May 2013, they had witnessed M23 Colonels Kaina and Yusuf Mboneza with RDF officers at the border of Kabuhanga," it said.

But it said that since the brief fall of provincial capital Goma in November 2012 the Group of Experts has not received evidence of full Rwandan army units supporting M23. Also, the March surrender of former M23 leader Bosco Ntaganda has hurt the rebels' morale and sparked desertions, it said.

Last year the experts accused Rwanda's defense minister of commanding the M23 rebellion, which it said was being armed by Rwanda and Uganda, both of which sent troops to aid the insurgency.

The latest report said there was no current signs of Ugandan government support for M23 but noted that limited recruitment activities by the M23 continued on Ugandan territory. It added that Ugandan officials have thwarted several attempts at M23 recruitment.

The allegations come as the United Nations, which has a large peacekeeping force known as MONUSCO in the region, prepares to deploy a special intervention brigade in eastern Congo. That brigade's goal is to aggressively search out and destroy armed groups operating in eastern Congo.

M23 has been generating income of around $180,000 a month from taxes - $200 to $1,000 per truck depending on the load - they exact on the population in the areas where they have been active, the report said.

"The Group notes that sanctioned individual Col. Innocent Kaina of M23 remains engaged in the recruitment of children," it said.

The experts said that they have also received information indicating collaboration between the Congolese military and FDLR rebels, the remnants of Hutu killers who carried out the 1994 genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda, in North Kivu.

The Congolese U.N. mission was not immediately available for comment on the report.

(Editing by Vicki Allen and Doina Chiacu)

Africa: Obama Visit Should Stress Media Freedoms

http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/25/africa-obama-visit-should-stress-media-freedoms

Africa: Obama Visit Should Stress Media Freedoms

Protecting Activists, Independent Groups Also Key to Rights Gains

JUNE 25, 2013

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   Artist Ouzin finishes a painting welcoming US President Barack Obama ahead of his visit to Senegal on June 26, 2013. Photo taken June 24, 2013.

  © 2013 Reuters

President Obama should recognize the courage of African journalists and activists who speak the truth in the face of threats and reprisals, and call on his African allies to do the same. He should make clear to African leaders that the media and activist groups are critical for development, and should be embraced.

Daniel Bekele, Africa Director

United States president Barack Obama should use his visit to Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania, beginning June 26, 2013, to support besieged media outlets and independent groups across the African continent, Human Rights Watch said today.

Independent media and nongovernmental organizations in much of Africa are increasingly under threat from government crackdowns, Human Rights Watch said. In his 2009 speech in Accra, Ghana, President Obama spoke about the importance of civil society and independent journalism to democratic societies. While Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania generally allow media and nongovernmental groups to operate freely, other African governments severely limit them.

"President Obama should recognize the courage of African journalists and activists who speak the truth in the face of threats and reprisals, and call on his African allies to do the same," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "He should make clear to African leaders that the media and activist groups are critical for development, and should be embraced."

Independent media have come under increasing threat in many Africa countries, Human Rights Watch said. In the Horn of Africa in recent years, dozens of journalists in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia have fled targeted attacks and politically motivated prosecution. Since 2011, Ethiopia has used its counterterrorism law to prosecute at least 11 journalists.

A new media law in Burundi dramatically erodes freedom of expression. It undermines protection of sources, limits subjects on which journalists may report, imposes fines for any violations of the law, and sets education and professional requirements for journalists.

In South Sudan, security forces have arbitrarily arrested and detained journalists and editors over the content of their reporting. In Uganda, police recently ignored a court order to reopen media organizations that had been forcibly shut down for 10 days during a politically motivated police search.Partisan application of Uganda's media and regulatory laws and closures of radio stations curtailed independent debate leading up to the 2011 elections, particularly in crucial rural areas.  Since the March 22, 2012 coup in Mali, attempts to suppress the release of information have intensified, and appear to form part of a wider crackdown on Malian journalism.

In South Africa, the Protection of State Information Bill, known as the "secrecy bill," remains a major concern in light of its restrictions on freedom of expression and the media, and democratic accountability. Ever since the bill was introduced in March 2010, and despite recent amendments, it has been criticized as inconsistent with South Africa's constitution and the country's international human rights obligations.

Although civil society is vibrant and growing in some African countries, many governments are increasingly hostile when it comes to respecting rights to free expression, association, and peaceful assembly. Nongovernmental organizations, human rights defenders, and other civil society organizations operating in highly limiting political environments such as in Ethiopia, Rwanda, andZimbabwe, often face serious security risks.

In Ethiopia, passage of the Charities and Societies Proclamation and other oppressive laws have compelled the country's most important human rights groups to substantially scale down operations, or remove human rights activities from their mandates. Some organizations have closed entirely, while several prominent rights activists have fled the country due to threats. The government has frozen the assets of the last two remaining human rights groups – the Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, the leading women's rights organization in Ethiopia.

The Rwandan government's hostility towards human rights organizations, as well as threats and intimidation of human rights defenders, have greatly weakened civil society and ensured that few Rwandan groups feel comfortable speaking out publicly. Systematic violations of freedom of expression remain a dominant concern in the country.

In Zimbabwe, the police have carried out a campaign of politically motivated abuses against activists and organizations. In the past six months, police also carried out raids or opened investigations into a number of well-regarded organizations, including the Zimbabwe Peace Project and Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition.

Obama should also use his visit to Senegal to underscore the importance of justice and accountability across the continent, by focusing on the court established to prosecute Hissène Habré for political killings and systematic torture during his presidency of Chad. His trial in Senegal will be the first in modern history in which the courts of one country try the leader of another for alleged grave crimes under international law.

If the trial is fair, effective, and transparent, it will contribute to ending the cycles of abuse and impunity that have marred so many African lives, Human Rights Watch said. The Habré court could also set a remarkable precedent in showing how African courts can contribute to good governance and the rule of law.

While in South Africa, Obama should focus on the upcoming elections in Zimbabwe, given the leadership role of the South African president, Jacob Zuma, at the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The regional group is charged with overseeing implementation of the power-sharing agreement between the Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Obama's visit is well timed to encourage SADC to press for vital democratic and human rights reforms in Zimbabwe that have not yet been achieved, particularly in light of President Robert Mugabe's recent decree setting July 31 as the election date.

"President Obama's visit should highlight Africa's accomplishments, but his trip needs to be about more than that," Bekele said. "He should stress the message that promoting respect for human rights is essential for Africa's long-term development."

Africa: Obama Visit Should Stress Media Freedoms

http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/25/africa-obama-visit-should-stress-media-freedoms

Africa: Obama Visit Should Stress Media Freedoms

Protecting Activists, Independent Groups Also Key to Rights Gains

JUNE 25, 2013

• Email

• 
  Enlarge

   Artist Ouzin finishes a painting welcoming US President Barack Obama ahead of his visit to Senegal on June 26, 2013. Photo taken June 24, 2013.

  © 2013 Reuters

President Obama should recognize the courage of African journalists and activists who speak the truth in the face of threats and reprisals, and call on his African allies to do the same. He should make clear to African leaders that the media and activist groups are critical for development, and should be embraced.

Daniel Bekele, Africa Director

United States president Barack Obama should use his visit to Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania, beginning June 26, 2013, to support besieged media outlets and independent groups across the African continent, Human Rights Watch said today.

Independent media and nongovernmental organizations in much of Africa are increasingly under threat from government crackdowns, Human Rights Watch said. In his 2009 speech in Accra, Ghana, President Obama spoke about the importance of civil society and independent journalism to democratic societies. While Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania generally allow media and nongovernmental groups to operate freely, other African governments severely limit them.

"President Obama should recognize the courage of African journalists and activists who speak the truth in the face of threats and reprisals, and call on his African allies to do the same," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "He should make clear to African leaders that the media and activist groups are critical for development, and should be embraced."

Independent media have come under increasing threat in many Africa countries, Human Rights Watch said. In the Horn of Africa in recent years, dozens of journalists in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia have fled targeted attacks and politically motivated prosecution. Since 2011, Ethiopia has used its counterterrorism law to prosecute at least 11 journalists.

A new media law in Burundi dramatically erodes freedom of expression. It undermines protection of sources, limits subjects on which journalists may report, imposes fines for any violations of the law, and sets education and professional requirements for journalists.

In South Sudan, security forces have arbitrarily arrested and detained journalists and editors over the content of their reporting. In Uganda, police recently ignored a court order to reopen media organizations that had been forcibly shut down for 10 days during a politically motivated police search.Partisan application of Uganda's media and regulatory laws and closures of radio stations curtailed independent debate leading up to the 2011 elections, particularly in crucial rural areas.  Since the March 22, 2012 coup in Mali, attempts to suppress the release of information have intensified, and appear to form part of a wider crackdown on Malian journalism.

In South Africa, the Protection of State Information Bill, known as the "secrecy bill," remains a major concern in light of its restrictions on freedom of expression and the media, and democratic accountability. Ever since the bill was introduced in March 2010, and despite recent amendments, it has been criticized as inconsistent with South Africa's constitution and the country's international human rights obligations.

Although civil society is vibrant and growing in some African countries, many governments are increasingly hostile when it comes to respecting rights to free expression, association, and peaceful assembly. Nongovernmental organizations, human rights defenders, and other civil society organizations operating in highly limiting political environments such as in Ethiopia, Rwanda, andZimbabwe, often face serious security risks.

In Ethiopia, passage of the Charities and Societies Proclamation and other oppressive laws have compelled the country's most important human rights groups to substantially scale down operations, or remove human rights activities from their mandates. Some organizations have closed entirely, while several prominent rights activists have fled the country due to threats. The government has frozen the assets of the last two remaining human rights groups – the Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, the leading women's rights organization in Ethiopia.

The Rwandan government's hostility towards human rights organizations, as well as threats and intimidation of human rights defenders, have greatly weakened civil society and ensured that few Rwandan groups feel comfortable speaking out publicly. Systematic violations of freedom of expression remain a dominant concern in the country.

In Zimbabwe, the police have carried out a campaign of politically motivated abuses against activists and organizations. In the past six months, police also carried out raids or opened investigations into a number of well-regarded organizations, including the Zimbabwe Peace Project and Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition.

Obama should also use his visit to Senegal to underscore the importance of justice and accountability across the continent, by focusing on the court established to prosecute Hissène Habré for political killings and systematic torture during his presidency of Chad. His trial in Senegal will be the first in modern history in which the courts of one country try the leader of another for alleged grave crimes under international law.

If the trial is fair, effective, and transparent, it will contribute to ending the cycles of abuse and impunity that have marred so many African lives, Human Rights Watch said. The Habré court could also set a remarkable precedent in showing how African courts can contribute to good governance and the rule of law.

While in South Africa, Obama should focus on the upcoming elections in Zimbabwe, given the leadership role of the South African president, Jacob Zuma, at the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The regional group is charged with overseeing implementation of the power-sharing agreement between the Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Obama's visit is well timed to encourage SADC to press for vital democratic and human rights reforms in Zimbabwe that have not yet been achieved, particularly in light of President Robert Mugabe's recent decree setting July 31 as the election date.

"President Obama's visit should highlight Africa's accomplishments, but his trip needs to be about more than that," Bekele said. "He should stress the message that promoting respect for human rights is essential for Africa's long-term development."