Skip to main content

Rwanda: Blood, Ashes, Hope

 

Rwanda: Blood, Ashes, Hope

By Antony Altbeker 
Time Live
21 June, 2013.



Picture: 
Image for the book Rat Roads: One man's Incredible Journey, an autobiography featuring Kennedy Gihana, the secretary general of the Rwandan National Congress in South Africa.


Antony Altbeker talks to Jacques Pauw, a finalist in the Alan Paton Awards, about a story that captures Africa's conundrum.


Jacques Pauw is head of investigation at Media24. The author of four previous books, he was the founding editor of Vrye Weekblad and produced the first documented evidence of apartheid-era death squads. Rat Roads: One man's Incredible Journey is shortlisted for the Alan Paton Prize. The book chronicles the journey of Kennedy Gihana, a young Tutsi man who left Rwanda after the genocide in that country and walked across the continent to South Africa.
How did you find Kennedy and get to tell his story?
I had shot a documentary about the mountain gorillas whose habitat straddles Rwanda, Uganda and the DRC, and I needed a KiRwanda translator. When I asked the embassy for help, they put me in touch with Kennedy who was working as a security guard at the time [2001].
Ten years later, Kennedy, who'd kept my number, called to tell me that he had just graduated with a Masters in law. I didn't remember him, but he told me this extraordinary story of having walked from Rwanda to South Africa to start his life again.
I asked him immediately whether he wanted to write a book. At the time, of course, he didn't tell me that he had been a soldier during the war or that he had been involved in atrocities.
All he told me was that he had grown up in Uganda and walked to South Africa after the genocide. I had been in Rwanda during the genocide, and I always wanted to find a way to tell that story of what had happened.
What captured your imagination?
I've always thought that Africa gives us the very worst of mankind and the very best; that it gives us the best and worst of human experience. Kennedy's story is the story of Africa.
The book describes horrific incidents that Kennedy was involved in. How did you get him to tell that part?
Kennedy is a lawyer, so when we started out we had a contract that said I was not writing an authorised biography, and that he could not tell me what to include and what to exclude. We agreed that he would see the manuscript, but that all he could do was correct factual errors.
We also agreed I would tape interviews, and anything he told me while the little red light was flashing would be considered on the record. If he wanted to tell me something off the record, he could ask me to stop the tape and we'd discuss it. But over the course of 65 hours of interviews, and many more hours of meetings and travelling together, the darker stuff started coming out.
But why did he tell you these things about himself?
When you start a biography of this kind, one of the things that happens is people tell you things they don't necessarily want to see published. But being a journalist is all about getting people to tell you things. So in the end, he did tell me a whole lot of things that he probably didn't expect to tell me when we started.
Does that create an ethical problem, the fact that you're telling a story that your subject doesn't want told?
It did create enormous difficulties during the writing. I didn't realise how damaged he was, how close he was to the very edge of human experience. So it was difficult to know what to do with Kennedy's confessions.
There were times when I thought about abandoning the project. But I also knew that the confessions were adding a whole new dimension to the story.
So I'd refrain from talking about them with Kennedy outside of the recorded interviews because I was concerned that he would become too conscious of what he was telling me. And even during the interviews, I sometimes wouldn't push him beyond a point where I thought it might get too hard for him.
Give me an example.
He told me he had been involved in executing people who'd been arrested, and he said that the worst part for him was how the people were killed. I asked him how they were killed, and all he said was: "We didn't shoot them." I left it there.
Despite the atrocities, I didn't come away from the book feeling he was a bad man ... he was involved in a fight for his life and for the life of his people.
Often, Kennedy would ask me how I would write his story and what I thought readers would think about him. I told him I wouldn't leave out the bad stuff, but promised I would put it in context. And I think the context makes all the difference.
We're talking about a man fighting in a war that had no rules, where there was no real distinction between soldiers and civilians, where killing civilians was the objective. As Kennedy kept saying to me, at the time he had no idea about human rights law and the laws of war.
He'd never heard of them. So it's very important to try to understand the events in context and to understand what this man went through.
When I read your other books, which are also about men who did awful things, people like Ferdi Barnard, Dirk Coetzee and Eugene de Kock, I didn't end up feeling sympathy for them.
I think the difference is about choice. Ferdi had a choice. All those men made choices. Kennedy was never in a position to make a choice. That is the big difference between them. The men in the apartheid death squads were indoctrinated, for sure.
But they had gone to proper schools and lived in a very different world to Kennedy's. So I think you have to judge them by different standards.
Maybe you can get a better measure of Kennedy by looking at the choices he made after the war?
That's right. Kennedy left Rwanda when he might have stayed, when it was very inconvenient for him to leave - he had a job and some money and was reasonably comfortable. But he left with nothing and started walking.
What are the lessons of Kennedy's story?
There's one lesson: if Kennedy could do it, anyone can. We live in a country with vast desperation. Kennedy's circumstances were terrible, yet he walked 5000km to get an education.
This is not to blame people. I understand that they face enormous obstacles. But there is real hope in Kennedy's story, and the story of many people like him.
  • Rat Roads is published by Zebra Press, R209.90 at CNA
Related Story:

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

OIF : Louise Mushikiwabo, une candidature embarrassante pour un troisième mandat de trop

C'était en novembre 2025, à Kigali. En marge de la 46e Conférence ministérielle de la Francophonie, Louise Mushikiwabo prenait la parole avec l'assurance de celle qui n'a rien à craindre : de nombreux pays, affirmait-elle, lui avaient demandé de se représenter. Spontanément. Naturellement. Unanimement presque. Sauf que les faits racontent une tout autre histoire. L'annonce qui ne devait pas avoir lieu si tôt Novembre 2025. Le Centre de Conventions de Kigali accueille plus de 400 délégués des 90 États membres de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. Le thème officiel porte sur les femmes et l'égalité des genres, trente ans après Pékin. Mais en marge des séances plénières, c'est une autre affaire qui agite les couloirs : Louise Mushikiwabo vient d'annoncer qu'elle souhaite briguer un troisième mandat. L'annonce est prématurée. Délibérément. Les candidatures ne ferment qu'en avril 2026. Aucun autre pays n'a encore ...

Pourquoi les sanctions américaines ne fonctionnent pas contre le Rwanda

Pourquoi Paul Kagame a ignoré les sanctions américaines et la Résolution 2773 du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU Entre février 2025 et mars 2026, le Trésor américain a imposé deux séries de sanctions ciblant directement la machine de guerre du Rwanda dans l'est du Congo : d'abord James Kabarebe, ministre d'État rwandais et principal intermédiaire du régime auprès du M23, puis les Forces de défense rwandaises en tant qu'entité, ainsi que quatre de leurs hauts responsables. Chacun des individus sanctionnés est demeuré en poste. Les FDR ne se sont pas retirées. Cette analyse examine pourquoi les mesures de Washington n'ont pas modifié la conduite du Rwanda — et pourquoi, selon les propres mots de Kagame, elles sont rejetées comme l'Å“uvre des « simplement stupides ».     Introduction : des sanctions sans conséquence La campagne de sanctions de Washington contre les opérations militaires du Rwanda dans l'est du Congo s'...

Paul Kagame: “We refuse to remove defensive measures"

Paul Kagame Refuses to Implement the Washington Accords and UN Security Council Resolution 2773: Analysis and Implications In an exclusive interview published on 3 April 2026, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda openly confirmed that Rwandan forces are deployed in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, rejected calls for their withdrawal, dismissed US sanctions as illegitimate, and signalled clear satisfaction with the current military status quo. This briefing examines what Kagame said, what his remarks mean for the Washington Accords, and what concrete steps the United States must now take if it wishes to restore credibility to its diplomacy in the Great Lakes region. Introduction: A Confession Wrapped in Grievance The interview, conducted by François Soudan and published in Jeune Afrique on 3 April 2026, is one of the most candid public statements Paul Kagame has made on Rwanda's military role in the DRC. Its significance does not lie in revealing something previously unknown. Th...

BBC News

Africanews

UNDP - Africa Job Vacancies

How We Made It In Africa – Insight into business in Africa

Migration Policy Institute