Skip to main content

Rwanda: Opening the door to dialogue

Opening the door to dialogue

Nearly three years ago, international student Claudine Kuradusenge moved to Utah from Belgium and enrolled at Utah Valley University. She was just six years old when she moved from her home country of Rwanda to Belgium, only a few months after the 1994 Rwandan genocide began.

 

Now graduating this spring with a bachelor's degree in communication and with minor degrees in peace and justice studies and criminal justice, the 24-year-old wants to return to Rwanda to help promote conflict reconciliation and peace-building among both tribes involved in the genocide: the Hutus and the Tutsis.

ChelsieClarkePhotography

 

"I'm into peace and justice and conflict transformation because nobody should live what I've been through," Kuradusenge said. "I remember how my baby sister died; nobody should be living that. I hope that I can try to help people. What I really want to do in the field would be [conflict] reconciliation, because we really talk about the aftermath of genocide, the fact that both tribes have to reconcile and live together. The theory and the practice are not the same."

 

An estimated 200,000 people perpetrated the Rwandan genocide between April and July 1994, according to the United Human Rights Council, which resulted in the deaths of more than 800,000 men, women and children.

 

After years of tension between the two tribes, the plane of Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down on April 6, 1994 above Kigali International Airport, according to a report by the BBC News. Habyarimana was Hutu, and a French judge accused Rwandan President Paul Kagame, a former leader of a Tutsi rebel group, for the attack at the time. Kagame denied having any involvement, and those responsible have yet to be named.

 

Violence between the tribes instantly erupted following Habyarimana's murder, and Kuradusenge was moved to Belgium in summer of 1994.

 

"I remember everything from the genocide, but memories before it are really blurred," Kuradusenge said. "I remember places and feelings, but I cannot picture anybody's face before the genocide. I cannot see their face."

 

Kuradusenge's father died when she was two, and before the genocide began, her younger sister became sick and subsequently died from illness. Tutsi soldiers killed her mother in 1997. She said her experience from living in Rwanda has influenced her decision to pursue a career in conflict reconciliation.

 

Michael Minch, director of the Peace and Justice Studies department at UVU, has no doubt Kuradusenge's determination to learn and her understanding of the conflict reconciliation will help her to heal her native Rwanda.

 

"She has demonstrated a driven, passionate, deeply engaged commitment to conflict transformation and peace building in the classroom, and a dogged determination to learn everything she can so that she will become a powerful agent of peace and reconciliation in her home country and elsewhere," Minch said. "This is to say that she has coupled her intellectual hunger with a moral passion, and this tenacious hunger for both knowledge and practical peace building skills will serve her very well as both a graduate student and as a professional peace builder."

 

Recently accepted into the George Mason University graduate program for conflict analysis and resolution this fall, Kuradesenge is eager to apply what she's learned so far.

 

"I know I won't be able to fix everything, but at least I want to create a path of dialogue where people feel safe to sit at the same table and express their opinion without feeling like they're going to have soldiers behind them listening to whatever they're saying," Kuradusenge said. "In the long-term, I'd like to open a school of dialogue and reconciliation, not just for Rwanda, but for the whole East Africa area."

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Pourquoi les sanctions américaines contre le Rwanda sont-elles si importantes ?

Pourquoi les sanctions américaines contre le Rwanda sont-elles si importantes ? Auteur : The African Rights Campaign. Londres, Royaume-Uni Publié en : mars 2026   Introduction Lorsqu'un gouvernement est accusé d'exécutions extrajudiciaires, de déplacements massifs, de violences sexuelles, de violations des droits de l'homme et du pillage systématique des ressources naturelles d'un pays voisin, la réponse diplomatique attendue est un démenti catégorique, étayé par des preuves. Le Rwanda ne l'a pas fait. Lorsque le département américain du Trésor a imposé des sanctions aux Forces de défense rwandaises (FDR) et à quatre de leurs commandants les plus haut placés, le 2 mars 2026, la porte-parole officielle de Kigali, Yolande Makolo, a délivré une déclaration que les analystes diplomatiques étudieront attentivement pour ce qu'elle omet conspicuement. Elle a dit que les sanctions étaient « injustes », qu'elles ciblaient « uniquement...

Why US Sanctions Against Rwanda Are So Important

Why US Sanctions Against Rwanda Are So Important Author: The African Rights Campaign. London, UK Published: March 2026   Introduction When a government is accused of extrajudicial killings, mass displacement, sexual violence, human rights abuses, and the systematic pillage of another country's mineral resources, the expected response in international diplomacy is an unequivocal denial backed by evidence. Rwanda did not do that. When the United States Department of the Treasury imposed sanctions on the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) and four of its most senior commanders on 2 March 2026, Kigali's official spokesperson Yolande Makolo made a statement that diplomatic analysts will study carefully for what it conspicuously omitted. She said the sanctions were 'unjust,' that they targeted 'only one party to the peace process,' and that they 'misrepresent the reality and distort the facts.' Rwanda's government, described by Bloomb...

Rubaya Mine Under USA’s Control: Kagame Has No Grounds to Object.

Rubaya Mine: Strategic Interests, Regional Conflict and the DRC–USA Cooperation Framework Rubaya mine, located in Masisi territory in North Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, is a Congolese resource. It was a Congolese resource before the M23 advanced on it, it remains a Congolese resource today, and it will remain a Congolese resource regardless of what any regional actor claims, implies or pursues. That is not a political position. It is a statement of international law and sovereign right. This foundational point must be stated plainly because it is frequently obscured in discussions about the conflict in eastern Congo. Debates about security narratives, mineral partnerships and geopolitical alignment risk creating a false impression that Rubaya's ownership or governance is somehow open to negotiation between external parties. It is not. The Democratic Republic of the Congo holds sovereign authority over its territory and its natural resources. N...

BBC News

Africanews

UNDP - Africa Job Vacancies

How We Made It In Africa – Insight into business in Africa

Migration Policy Institute