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Tuesday, 7 January 2014

Fw: *DHR* Un livre de Sam NJUBA (RIP): Museveni construit une classe à partir de son groupe ethnique Tutsi



"Museveni is building a class from his own ethnic Tutsi group to lead Uganda, as the ruling clique forever", Sam Njuba RIP.


Date: 23 décembre 2013, 18:26
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Museveni in 1986 after capturing Kampala with his ragatug
Banyamulenge bandits, at Uganga parliament in Kampala.

In a 320-page book, Njuba  reveals how he lived out "every single day" of his political life, his contribution to the 1981-86 National Resistance Army guerilla war, and  how he fell out with Museveni. The book is titled The Betrayal, as Ugandans are taken for a ride again. It was launched at Njuba's funeral last Tuesday. Njuba gives a candid audit of Museveni's leadership style, and a riveting insight into the workings of his post-war government.
Njuba's eldest daughter, Stella, told mourners at her father's burial at Nangabo in Wakiso district, that Njuba failed to print the book in his lifetime due to financial constraints.

Sent by: Free Buganda on Monday, 23 December 2013 at 17:27
 
In the book, Njuba acknowledges that he took decades to write the book largely due to lack of materials, energy or providence. "The original manuscript was collected and confiscated by the Kenyan police [May 1984]… the reproduced material again disappeared in London when I sought after a publisher," he wrote.
He later came to look at these incidents as a real blessing rather than a setback. For he had an opportunity to reflect on the contents of his previous manuscripts, which gave rise to questions that resulted into an outright change of some of his earlier views. During the liberation struggle (1981 – 1986), Njuba was the secretary of the external wing of the NRM. http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=29274&Itemid=116

He says he was instrumental in recruiting youths into the rebel ranks.
He also coordinated their transfer to Libya for training and their transit to the jungles of Luweero. His contribution and that of others who were not recognized by earlier authors who published books on the NRM/A liberation struggle is what Njuba tried to bring to the fore in his book. "Some writers, in their attempt to play heroism, ignored the major roles of many players and, either by omission or commission perverted some vital facts in the struggle. This cannot be forgiven, and it is criminal," he wrote in the preamble.
 
He also directly attacks President Museveni for leaving him out of his (Museveni) book; Sowing the Mustard Seed, especially for his role in their trip to Libya to persuade former Libyan leader Col Muammar Gaddafi to support their struggle. "By the way, Museveni, in his book, Sowing the Mustard seed, conveniently left me out as a member of this trip when he gave an account of this same visit to Libya, and only mentioned Matthew Rukikaire and Ndugu Rugunda," Njuba notes. "Maybe I was not worthy of mention because we had parted company, but history must be honestly recorded without prejudice, irrespective of the actors involved; otherwise, analysts will doubt one's integrity," he adds. In Njuba's account of the June 1981 trip to Tripoli, he says he was specifically selected to join the team because Museveni wanted him to be his witness, though he later on discovered that Museveni wanted to portray to Gaddafi that his (NRA) struggle was not entirely of people from one region of the country. "It was a cosmetic assembly. Yoweri Museveni wanted to portray an image of nationalism, since the others were all from western Uganda…," Njuba said.
 
Ethnic tensions
As the struggle progressed, there were rising concerns about the Bahima dominance of the leadership of the rebel outfit. Prof Yusuf Kironde Lule, who had become chairman of the NRM following a merger between Museveni's PRA and Kironde Lule's Uganda Freedom Front (UFF), would raise these concerns every time the two met.
"This, which I may loosely refer to as tribalism, is a thorn in the side of NRM. It has to be checked, else it may tear apart this country once again," Njuba writes.
Maj Abraham Ssenkoma, a retired officer who served in the Uganda Army before the 1966 attack on Sir Edward Mutesa's palace at Mengo, was identified to reinforce the rebel command structure. Ssenkoma, then an employee of the UN in Addis Ababa, was to deputise Museveni in the field command hierarchy but opted out after his attempt to join the rebel bases in Luweero was frustrated by some of his colleagues.
In various sections of the book, Njuba suggests Museveni wants to build an enduring, if narrow, ruling class.
"Museveni claims he is the only Ugandan with a vision for this country. He is resolute to build a class from his own ethnic group to lead Uganda, as the ruling clique forever," Njuba writes.
Because of this fear, Njuba is not convinced by Gen David Sejusa defection. To Njuba, Sejusa, is a creation of Museveni.
"One will ponder and ask what of Gen David [Sejusa]? The answers are easy to guess. David is Museveni's creation and is therefore, made to echo his statements irrespective of the truth," Njuba writes.
Gen Sejusa, currently in exile in the UK, is Museveni's tribesmate, whose agenda, according to Njuba, is pursuing a purely personal and selfish agenda, as he delves into their (Museveni and Sejusa's) hatred of the Baganda.
He specifically accuses Museveni of being mischievous against the Baganda despite their goodwill and huge support extended to him during the liberation struggle. He says Museveni and his generals have accused the Baganda of being discriminative. He also offers a pointer into the decades' long bad relations between Museveni's government and Buganda kingdom.
"Museveni had his own mission and agenda. To him, anything that is an obstacle to achieving his desire must be crushed. It does not matter by what means."Because of his burning desire to rule forever and rule absolutely, Museveni sees the Kabaka and his subjects as stumbling blocks. Most Baganda don't run to him for favours, nor do they worship him," he writes, drawing readers into why he thinks Museveni continues to dole out financial hand-outs.
 
"In his view, if he is to have control over the citizens, they must be poor and submissive. It is his belief that in order to rule the people, they must look to none other than him as a fountain of survival," Njuba Sam wrote.
 
 
 
SUMMARY RADIO FREE BUGANDA
"One will ponder and ask what of Gen David [Sejusa]? The answers are easy to guess. David is Museveni's creation and is therefore, made to echo his statements irrespective of the truth," Njuba writes.
Gen Sejusa, currently in exile in the UK, is Museveni's tribesmate, whose agenda, according to Njuba, is pursuing a purely personal and selfish agenda, as he delves into their (Museveni and Sejusa's) hatred of the Baganda.
 
He specifically accuses Museveni of being mischievous against the Baganda despite their goodwill and huge support extended to him during the liberation struggle. He says Museveni and his generals have accused the Baganda of being discriminative. He also offers a pointer into the decades' long bad relations between Museveni's government and Buganda kingdom.
"Museveni had his own mission and agenda. To him, anything that is an obstacle to achieving his desire must be crushed. It does not matter by what means."Because of his burning desire to rule forever and rule absolutely, Museveni sees the Kabaka and his subjects as stumbling blocks. Most Baganda don't run to him for favours, nor do they worship him," he writes, drawing readers into why he thinks Museveni continues to dole out financial hand-outs.
 
"In his view, if he is to have control over the citizens, they must be poor and submissive. It is his belief that in order to rule the people, they must look to none other than him as a fountain of survival," Njuba Sam wrote.
 
 
In the book, Njuba acknowledges that he took decades to write the book largely due to lack of materials, energy or providence. "The original manuscript was collected and confiscated by the Kenyan police [May 1984]… the reproduced material again disappeared in London when I sought after a publisher," he wrote.
He later came to look at these incidents as a real blessing rather than a setback. For he had an opportunity to reflect on the contents of his previous manuscripts, which gave rise to questions that resulted into an outright change of some of his earlier views. During the liberation struggle (1981 – 1986), Njuba was the secretary of the external wing of the NRM. The book is titled The Betrayal, as Ugandans are taken for a ride again.
 
WHO ORDERED TO CONFISCATE THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS BY THE KENYA POLICE, AND AGAIN THE REPRODUCED MATERIAL AGAIN DISAPPEARED IN UK LONDON WHEN SOUGHT AFTER A PUBLISHER? BAGANDA WAKE UP WE HAVE GOT ENEMIES ON ALL SIDES, WE NEED TO INVESTIGATE AND ASHAME EVERY MUGANDA TO KNOW, THERE ADDRESSES AND FAMILY TREES. BUT THE QUESTIO STILL REMAINS WHY NJUBA SAM REMAINED SILENT SINCE 1980 TO THE DAY OF HIS DEATH, WITHOUT TELLING BAGANDA MUSEVENI'S HIDDEN AGENDA AND DUBIOUS BLOODY TUTSI MASTER-PLANS TO RULE POOR UGANDANS FOREVER? OBUGANDA BUWAMBE MUBWONGO NEMUMUBILI, BANANGE TUVVE MUTUULO OMULABE TUMWANGANGE.
 
OBUGANDA BUGGWAAWO NGA TUTUNULA BUTUNUZI. ALL KNOW MUSEVENI IS PUPPET OF UK AND US, "A JOURNEY OF A THOUSAND MILES STARTS WITH ONE STEP", CHINESE WISE SAYING.
 
THE BOOK IS TITLED:  "THE BETRAYAL, AS UGANDANS ARE TAKEN FOR A RIDE AGAIN", BY NJUBA SAM. 
 
By Free Buganda on Monday, 23 December 2013 at 17:27
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