Skip to main content

DRC: Splits deepen within the M23


THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 2013

Splits deepen within the M23

Reports from various sources––the UN peacekeeping mission, M23 insiders, and the Congolese army––this afternoon suggest that the rift between Bosco Ntaganda and Sultani Makenga is deepening. Details are still vague, with some going so far as saying that the two have been taking to Kigali for a sitting-down, but it is clear that the long-standing tensions have escalated.

To recap: the two have been at loggerheads since the arrest of Laurent Nkunda in January 2009 by the Rwandan army and the subsequent nomination of Bosco Ntaganda as the head of the CNDP forces. Makenga was close to Nkunda, and never got along with Bosco, who built a clique around the officers who had served with him in Ituri––Innocent Zimurinda, Innocent Kaina (India Queen), adding to them Baudoin Ngaruye. They were known as the "Kimbelembele," (Forward-Forward) while Makenga's pro-Nkunda faction are the "Kifuafua." (Chest Out) Their styles are also different: Makenga is cautious and discrete, while Bosco is known to be thuggish, calling for hits against officers he suspects of being disloyal and organizing bank heists in broad daylight in Goma.

These tensions grew after the M23 took Goma. The movement was growing in prominence, and Bosco wanted to be sure to control it––two of his allies are in the political wing, President Jean-Marie Runiga and Executive Secretary Francois Rucogoza. His people were also able to win the promotion of Baudoin Ngaruye to the chief-of-staff position of the M23.

But Bosco's faction has grew nervous about the peace talks, feeling that they would be sidelined if there were a deal. Both Zimurinda and Bosco are on the UN sanctions list, Bosco is wanted by the ICC and has a $5 million award on his head, while India Queen is allegedly responsible for the killing of UN peacekeepers in Ituri. Makenga does not (yet) have any legal issues to contend with.

The departure from Goma also apparently caused friction, as Makenga confiscated a lot of the pillaged goods and punished some of the most deviant officers. Meanwhile, Makenga is said to be angered by the increasingly strict conditions of Nkunda's detention––while he was active during the early days of the M23 rebellion, he reportedly is difficult to reach these days.

Whatever the problem––and it is difficult to be sure, given distortions from all sides––these splits will almost certainly have an impact on the peace talks, both those in Kampala, as well as any potential talks in the context of the Framework Agreement. It could play out in various ways––if Bosco feels cornered, he might try to launch operations to pre-empt a peace deal that could cost him his head; there have already been reports of this possibility. And the Congolese could try to play both sides against each other (although the reported plan of issuing arrest warrants against both factions, including against Makenga and Ngaruye, would suggest otherwise).

À suivre.

No comments:

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Le Troisième Mandat de Louise Mushikiwabo à l'OIF : Entre Précédent et Principe Démocratique.

Le Troisième Mandat de Louise Mushikiwabo à l'OIF : Entre Précédent et Principe Démocratique. L'Alternance à l'OIF : Pourquoi un Troisième Mandat Fragilise la Crédibilité de la Francophonie. Introduction Louise Mushikiwabo veut un troisième mandat à la tête de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. Son annonce, faite bien avant l'émergence d'autres candidats, rappelle une tactique familière en Afrique : affirmer qu'on a le soutien populaire sans jamais le prouver publiquement. La méthode est rodée. Des dirigeants africains l'utilisent depuis des décennies pour prolonger leur règne. Ils clament que "le peuple le demande" ou que "les partenaires soutiennent" cette reconduction. Aucune preuve formelle n'est nécessaire. L'affirmation devient réalité politique. Mais voilà le problème : la Francophonie prêche la démocratie, l'État de droit et l'alternance au pouvoir. Peut-elle tolérer en son sein ce qu...

How Rwanda Got It Wrong: The Moral Cost of Profiting from Congo's Suffering.

Introduction. At the 20th Umushyikirano National Dialogue Council in Kigali in February 2026, President Paul Kagame publicly stated that it is acceptable for minerals originating in the Democratic Republic of Congo to pass through Rwanda and be sold internationally. Whilst defending Rwanda's ambitions to become a mineral processing hub, he likened this practice to passengers travelling through Kigali airport en route to other destinations, arguing that whilst wealthy countries benefit most from this trade, Rwanda's participation is normal and justified. However, this framing fundamentally misrepresents a deeply troubling reality: the minerals in question are not legitimately transiting through Rwanda as part of normal trade, but are being extracted under conditions of conflict, violence, and mass suffering imposed by Rwandan-backed forces. The distinction between legitimate cross-border trade and the current situation cannot be overstated. Cross-border commerce between Rwan...

[AfricaRealities.com] Burundi president seen as 'divine' hero in rural homeland

  "We will vote for him until the return of Jesus Christ, that is, until the end of time," said Sylvie with a laugh, adding that for her, Nkurunziza "should be president for life." Burundi president seen as 'divine' hero in rural homeland               Burundi president seen as 'divine' hero in rural homelan... On the streets of Burundi's capital, protesters have spent a month fighting running battles with police, erecting barricades and demanding President Pierre Nkurunzi... View on news.yahoo.com Preview by Yahoo   ### "Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King . __._,_.___ Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com> Reply via web post • ...

BBC News

Africanews

UNDP - Africa Job Vacancies

Wikipedia

Search results

How We Made It In Africa – Insight into business in Africa

Migration Policy Institute